In this episode of the Editorial, Mr. Sujit Nair discusses how major political parties in India are using communalism, caste politics, and a culture of freebies for political gain. The BJP focuses on communalism, while the Congress engages in caste-based politics. Additionally, all political parties have embraced the practice of offering freebies, putting the state's financial stability at risk.
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[00:00:00] Namaskar, welcome to another episode of editorial. You know, Bharatiya Janata Party came to limelight, became the dominant Indian political party from 2014 to 2024 based on communalism.
[00:00:28] The concept of Hindutva and Hindu Votes. Somewhere down the line, 2024, it stopped working.
[00:00:40] Let's understand the reason why and let's also talk about the India Alliance Politics.
[00:00:48] Let's get right into the show.
[00:00:50] So, like I said, and we have been saying this for some time now, that the Hindutva concept has stopped working the way it worked in 2014.
[00:01:06] I am not saying it has completely stopped working, but the way it worked in 2014, it has stopped working.
[00:01:14] And the proof of that is also that nowadays, Bharatiya Janata Party like it used to doesn't focus full time into Hindutva.
[00:01:24] However, they have their fringe leaders here and to talk about Hindutva and communal hatred when they need, when it is close to elections.
[00:01:38] But they have defocused themselves from the core Hindutva agenda.
[00:01:43] Today, the flair is of freebies. We will come to that.
[00:01:50] If we have to statistically analyze as to why has a Hindu stopped voting just by saying Hindutva, Hindu khatre mein, why has a normal Hindu stopped voting?
[00:02:06] I will try and talk to you some statistics here.
[00:02:09] And that's the topic for today.
[00:02:12] We will also talk about caste politics.
[00:02:16] And then we will spend some time freebie politics.
[00:02:20] So, we will cover everything.
[00:02:21] So, let's start with why a Hindu has stopped completely believing in Hindutva politics.
[00:02:32] You see, while the whole world, the whole world, you know, the Bharatiya Janata Party at one point in time was not bothered about minorities,
[00:02:42] was not bothered whether a Muslim votes for it or not,
[00:02:46] was not bothered whether a Christian votes for it or not.
[00:02:49] They were only bothered about Hindutva.
[00:02:51] They knew that if they could collect Hindutva, especially if they could collect Hindu youth,
[00:02:57] that was good enough for them.
[00:02:58] That was good enough for them to win.
[00:03:01] But somewhere down the line, if you see,
[00:03:05] the Hindus started realizing,
[00:03:06] that is Hindu to do okay.
[00:03:09] Hindu, what did you get?
[00:03:11] Finally, what did you get?
[00:03:13] Let me take you through some statistics.
[00:03:16] Labor participation rate.
[00:03:18] Labor participation rate in 2016-2017,
[00:03:24] Hindu was 46.6%.
[00:03:26] Hindu was 46.6%.
[00:03:28] 2023-2024, the labor participation rate,
[00:03:33] Hindu is 40.53%.
[00:03:35] It has come down by almost 6.6%.
[00:03:38] So, end of the day,
[00:03:39] Hindu, Rasha and all that, very good.
[00:03:41] But Hindu go gamble right?
[00:03:43] The labor participation rate has come down.
[00:03:47] Let me take you through some more statistics.
[00:03:50] Employment rate of Hindus.
[00:03:52] Employment rate in 2016-2017 was 43.21%.
[00:03:58] And the employment rate 2023-2024 is 37.26%.
[00:04:04] Employment rate of Hindus has come down by minus 0.95%.
[00:04:12] Incidentally, employment rate of Muslims is not as bad as Hindu.
[00:04:17] They are only minus 4.45%.
[00:04:19] Christians minus 0.48%.
[00:04:23] Sikh minus 4.20%.
[00:04:26] So, the maximum employment rate that has come down is that of Hindus.
[00:04:31] Is that of Hindus.
[00:04:32] Now, let us talk about another figure.
[00:04:34] Let us talk about unemployment rate.
[00:04:37] Unemployment rate was 7.28% in 2016-17.
[00:04:42] And today, the unemployment rate has increased to 8.07%.
[00:04:47] There has been an increase of 0.79%.
[00:04:51] Unemployment rate went up.
[00:04:53] Employment rate came down.
[00:04:54] Labor participation rate came down.
[00:04:56] Hindu go kya mila?
[00:04:58] So, what Hinduism are you talking about?
[00:05:00] What Hindu Rashtra are you talking about?
[00:05:02] What Hindu khatr mein are you talking about?
[00:05:04] Arrey, khane ko paisa nahi hai.
[00:05:06] Janay ko naukne nahi hai.
[00:05:08] This is the status.
[00:05:10] Hindu started realizing it.
[00:05:12] Hindu started realizing it.
[00:05:14] And then this realization is percolating down.
[00:05:17] And believe me, the strategic planners in Bharatiya Janata Party has already sensitized the party about it.
[00:05:26] They have sensitized the party saying that,
[00:05:27] Bhaiya, yeh percolate ho ra hai.
[00:05:30] Nogri nahi hai.
[00:05:31] Percolate ho ra hai.
[00:05:32] Hindu go kya mila kuch nahi.
[00:05:33] So, what is the point?
[00:05:34] What are you talking about?
[00:05:37] Now, another thing that has also actually went against Bharatiya Janata Party in public domain is that,
[00:05:45] you see, some of the good work that the government is doing,
[00:05:47] it is not that Bharatiya Janata Party has not done good work.
[00:05:50] They have done some good work.
[00:05:51] But that good work is getting camouflaged under this communal statements and communal politics.
[00:05:58] It is getting completely camouflaged.
[00:06:01] The image of Prime Minister Narendra Modi is not shining in the globe,
[00:06:07] is because of the communal statements that are being made in various parts of the state.
[00:06:12] Some with his consent possibly, some without his consent.
[00:06:18] So, end of the day, today, communalism, if they had to do a bai khata, if they have to do a balance sheet,
[00:06:24] today, communalism is not working for a brand Bharatiya Janata Party.
[00:06:29] It is doing more damage to the brand Bharatiya Janata Party, other than doing help.
[00:06:35] Earlier on, it was 100% helping Bharatiya Janata Party.
[00:06:39] And as time progressed, that percentage has almost come to zero.
[00:06:45] Now, I believe it is going to go into negative.
[00:06:49] This is as far as Bharatiya Janata Party is concerned.
[00:06:54] Now, let me talk to you about the caste politics that India Alliance is talking about,
[00:06:59] including Rahul Gandhi.
[00:07:05] You see, caste census is always good.
[00:07:07] It is always good.
[00:07:08] We should know how much ST, SC, OBC, what is the percentage?
[00:07:15] We should know that.
[00:07:16] Caste census is not bad.
[00:07:19] But, is it that, you know, our top 20 businessmen, we should have how many SCs, how many STs?
[00:07:28] Is that the way we are going to look at caste census?
[00:07:32] Is that the way we are going to project this, manifest this?
[00:07:36] See, at the end of the day, it is imperative that we alleviate every caste, especially caste which are downtrodden.
[00:07:46] The point that I am trying to make is that, somewhere down the line, reservation is very, very important.
[00:07:51] Because, reservation is more than reservation, one should look at it as representation.
[00:07:58] So, to that extent, it is very important.
[00:08:01] But, what we have gone wrong all this while, is that we have used reservation as an appeasement tool.
[00:08:07] Exactly like what Bharatiya Janata Party has used communalism as an appeasement tool, Hindu ko kya mila.
[00:08:14] Likewise, an India alliance or other political parties, or when I say we, I am talking about India since almost 1950s, we have used reservation as an appeasement tool.
[00:08:24] Till such time that we cannot penetrate the creamy layer of each of these categories, be it SC, be it ST, be it OBC, we cannot penetrate the creamy layer.
[00:08:36] And, the benefit of reservation will only go to those people.
[00:08:42] Because, people who are in the bottom, they are still there, languishing in the bottom.
[00:08:48] The benefits are going to the creamy layer.
[00:08:52] But, no political party is going to come and tell you that, listen, you know what, we are going to check the creamy layer, we are going to identify the creamy layer, and then we are going to go to the next layer.
[00:09:01] But, that no political party is going to come and tell you, Rahul Gandhi talks to you about, are you 10 top businessmen, make it my SC, ST, I mean, correct, that is a fact.
[00:09:10] But, just by saying that, does it, does it make things okay?
[00:09:14] Just by saying that, do you think in the next five years, you will find four out of 10 businessmen from SC, ST, and OBC?
[00:09:22] Do you think we can make it happen?
[00:09:24] The point is, it is not about just delivering speeches or just using reservation stroke census as a method of appeasement.
[00:09:37] It is about, what are you going to do with that census?
[00:09:40] How are you going to percolate to that last common denominator?
[00:09:43] I still tell you, reservation is important because reservation should not be seen as reservation.
[00:09:49] It should be seen as representation.
[00:09:53] Every community, every caste should have representation, should get an opportunity to administer this country, should get opportunities to premium colleges.
[00:10:04] It should be seen as representation more than reservation.
[00:10:11] You see, communalism was bad.
[00:10:13] Castism is bad.
[00:10:15] Caste census is not.
[00:10:17] Reservation is not.
[00:10:18] If it is done well, it will help the community.
[00:10:21] But what is coming through now is freebieism, which is worst for our country, worst, as bad as communalism for our country.
[00:10:31] And unfortunately, every political party in this country is going after freebieism today.
[00:10:36] I have been speaking about this for quite some time the way I have been speaking about communalism for quite some time.
[00:10:42] Because now I see freebieism is as dangerous as communalism.
[00:10:48] I mean, a lot of people ask me, what about, you know, why am I against somebody being paying thousand five hundred rupees to a poor lady?
[00:10:55] Why am I against somebody giving thousand five hundred rupees to women, poor women?
[00:10:59] What is wrong with me?
[00:11:00] See, the point is one needs to understand very distinctively about what welfare is.
[00:11:06] Consider the government as our parents.
[00:11:09] You see, when your child graduates, there are three things you can do for your child.
[00:11:16] The first thing is you can offer the child thousand five hundred rupees and say that, listen, child, I am offering you this thousand five hundred rupees for the next three months.
[00:11:26] Buy all your train pass and traveling expense and all that.
[00:11:29] You travel around, give interviews, get yourself a good job and start build your career.
[00:11:37] That is one way you do it.
[00:11:40] The second way you do it is give your child ten lakh of rupees and say, listen, child, here is ten lakh of rupees.
[00:11:46] Go start something on your own.
[00:11:48] Start up.
[00:11:50] Start something on your own.
[00:11:51] If you have great ideas, go start something on your own.
[00:11:53] And hope and pray that your child goes and starts something on his own or her own.
[00:11:58] And then he or she succeeds in that business.
[00:12:03] You start praying that.
[00:12:05] That's the second way.
[00:12:07] The third way is what the current government's way is.
[00:12:12] Where you give your son or daughter and tell the son and daughter that you pass graduation.
[00:12:18] No, every month I will give you five hundred rupees pocket money.
[00:12:20] There is food at home and I will give you five hundred rupees pocket money.
[00:12:23] Sir wife.
[00:12:25] What will that child do?
[00:12:28] That five hundred rupees for that child, how will that develop that child?
[00:12:33] Will that child ever develop with that five hundred rupees that you are offering to that child?
[00:12:36] That's my question and that's exactly what I ask the government.
[00:12:40] You are paying those women one thousand five hundred rupees.
[00:12:43] How is it going to help?
[00:12:45] I was happy when Rahul Gandhi said I will pay one lakh of rupees.
[00:12:48] Pay one lakh of rupees.
[00:12:49] Then there is a possibility that that woman will start a small business of her own.
[00:12:55] She may start a small business of her own, a small entrepreneurship of her own with which she can vend her family, get that income, get her own income.
[00:13:06] Maybe much more than thousand five hundred rupees a month.
[00:13:09] And it will be her own income with her own effort.
[00:13:13] She will value add to the country other than she depending on the country's resources for her survival.
[00:13:22] You are not only giving her an employment, you are giving her self-respect.
[00:13:25] The freebie culture of giving this five hundred rupees every month and say survive is only going to degenerate our population.
[00:13:36] It is only going to degenerate our economy.
[00:13:39] And this is why I am against that thousand five hundred rupees or I am against maji ladki bahin or in Maharashtra or whatever is happening in Madhya Pradesh and whatever is happening in Tamil Nadu.
[00:13:52] This is why I am against because it drains our resources.
[00:13:56] And it doesn't help that lady.
[00:13:59] It doesn't help that woman.
[00:14:02] If it helped that woman and it drains her resources, absolutely fine.
[00:14:06] But it doesn't help her.
[00:14:08] It helps her to just survive till such time that the government gives money.
[00:14:13] It will come to a stage where there will be no money in the treasury and the government will stop giving money like Madhya.
[00:14:18] Like Madhya.
[00:14:20] This is an example.
[00:14:21] Like Madhya that money will stop someday because there is no money in the treasury.
[00:14:28] Then what will that lady do?
[00:14:29] Because that lady has not developed.
[00:14:31] You have not done nothing to develop that lady.
[00:14:34] She is where she was five years back.
[00:14:37] But the government has exhausted all the money.
[00:14:39] Then what happens?
[00:14:41] This is the point that I wanted to make.
[00:14:44] And this is why I am against these schemes.
[00:14:46] So the point is, be it communalism, be it freebieism.
[00:14:52] It's dangerous for our country.
[00:14:55] This is not a good alternative.
[00:14:57] This is not a good alternative.
[00:14:59] This is not going to make things better for us.
[00:15:03] Freebieism is as bad as communalism.
[00:15:05] Castism per se is not correct.
[00:15:10] But caste senses and identifying caste percentages and ensuring that they get representation and ensuring that development is good.
[00:15:21] But then it has to be a concrete planned effort.
[00:15:25] It can't be speeches.
[00:15:28] It has to be planned effort.
[00:15:29] There has to be more planning that goes into it.
[00:15:32] Where, like I said, you penetrate the creamy layer.
[00:15:34] You go right down to the bottom and ensure that you alleviate that caste.
[00:15:40] That's the point I wanted to make.
[00:15:41] Till I see you next time.
[00:15:42] That's tomorrow at 10.
[00:15:44] Namaskar.
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[00:16:37] 2019, the year that changed Maharashtra politics forever.
[00:16:42] I will say to you with the same man.
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