In this episode of Editorial, Mr. Sujit Nair discusses how the BJP's strategy has faded over the years. Mr. Nair examines the strategy the BJP employed in 2014 and how they seemed to lack a clear strategy after the 2019 elections. He also briefly discusses how the BJP used coercion to destabilize opposition leaders.
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[00:00:00] Namaskar! Welcome to another episode of Editorial.
[00:00:07] You know, I should confess that I have been wrong in understanding Bharatiya Janata Party,
[00:00:18] especially Bharatiya Janata Party after 2014.
[00:00:21] I've completely misjudged, misunderstood, misread Bharatiya Janata Party.
[00:00:30] And I will tell you why. Let's get right to the show.
[00:00:37] The thing is, when I saw Bharatiya Janata Party's campaign,
[00:00:44] especially as an advertising stroke marketing professional,
[00:00:48] I took Bharatiya Janata Party as one political party that was playing their cards very, very well,
[00:00:58] as far as campaign, communication and consumer understanding,
[00:01:03] or in this case, voter understanding and voter insights are concerned.
[00:01:08] They were talking exactly what people wanted to hear.
[00:01:13] They were giving exactly what people expected from them and they were offering what India wanted.
[00:01:21] So they were doing a fabulous job.
[00:01:24] They were doing a fabulous job.
[00:01:27] Another thing what they actually did is, you see the market was created by Brand X.
[00:01:35] The market for change was created by Brand AAP,
[00:01:40] but the market was taken away and ruled over by Bharatiya Janata Party in 2014.
[00:01:47] AAP did all the spade work, all the dharma, all the hartaal, all the bhukh hartaal,
[00:01:53] all the running around with the flags, all that AAP did.
[00:01:58] But the entire benefits were reaped by Modi and Bharatiya Janata Party.
[00:02:04] That was a fantastic strategy.
[00:02:07] The concept of drawing a bigger line to cover a small line
[00:02:14] or to make a small line go away was a fabulous idea.
[00:02:18] What I mean by that is to create the Gujarat model much bigger
[00:02:24] than what the Godra Khan was by 2014 by Narendra Modi and his team was a fabulous effort.
[00:02:33] People forgot Godra Khan and were talking the Gujarat model.
[00:02:38] That was a fabulous effort by Narendra Modi and his team.
[00:02:42] So I thought, I concluded, I believed that Bharatiya Janata Party was a fantastic election-earning machine
[00:02:52] and Bharatiya Janata Party was a fabulous strategic political party.
[00:03:02] Their strategies were brilliant.
[00:03:05] I concluded.
[00:03:07] Then I was told or one could see that the constant creation,
[00:03:16] the person behind the entire election campaign, election-earning as we may call it right from booth to campaign
[00:03:26] was Amit Shah.
[00:03:27] So I thought, oh my God, there was this man who possibly was one of the best election minds in the world.
[00:03:37] Chanakya, etc., is what I thought that Amit Shah would have, is because wow, what brain.
[00:03:48] But then as life progressed, as life progressed, I started realizing that somewhere down the line
[00:04:01] after 2014 for example, I couldn't find no strategy.
[00:04:07] There was no strategy.
[00:04:09] Especially after 2019, there was no strategy whatsoever.
[00:04:17] The only strategy was coercion.
[00:04:21] The only strategy was coercion.
[00:04:28] So when you find that the opposition is becoming powerful, becoming bigger, becoming more popular,
[00:04:37] break that opposition, break the party, kill democracy, put their top leaders behind bars and dominate.
[00:04:48] So what was the strategy?
[00:04:50] Coercion can never be a strategy.
[00:04:54] Coercion is never a strategy.
[00:04:57] Pulling a person towards you is very different to making a person join you.
[00:05:04] It is very different.
[00:05:06] Pulling a person is physically dragging the person towards you and making him join you is to ensure that you convince him to be with you.
[00:05:15] Two different things.
[00:05:16] To get a person to join you requires strategy.
[00:05:19] Pulling a person towards you is coercion.
[00:05:22] The moment you let loose, the person will run back.
[00:05:28] That is why coercion normally is never a long-term strategy.
[00:05:31] In fact, it's not a strategy at all.
[00:05:33] Coercion is a short-term approach to life, to things.
[00:05:39] Coercion, dharake, dhamkake.
[00:05:42] After a point people are used to it then.
[00:05:45] Say, kya aega maximum jail jayega?
[00:05:47] That's what's going to happen.
[00:05:48] Or kya aega?
[00:05:49] Idhi aega?
[00:05:51] So he is talking too much.
[00:05:52] Two months, Idhi will come and raid him and that happens.
[00:05:56] That's what happens.
[00:05:57] And that is what exactly Bharatiya Janta Party did.
[00:06:05] Now, in 2024 I thought people understood it.
[00:06:12] I thought no, people did understand it.
[00:06:15] But I thought that people gave a message to Bharatiya Janta Party which Bharatiya Janta Party understood.
[00:06:23] That listen, coercion na ap nahi chenega.
[00:06:26] O ho gaya hai.
[00:06:27] Time hua hai jayab when you let loose and the person is going to run back.
[00:06:30] O ho gaya hai.
[00:06:31] That time has come, that coercion period of whatever six years, eight years that they used to win elections, that phase is over.
[00:06:43] Because in 2024 the way coercion was used was very obvious.
[00:06:50] India happened and when India happened while entire machinery of the right wing started saying that India,
[00:06:58] what India there, there are 10 people and everybody wants to be the Prime Minister and all of that.
[00:07:05] That narrative was spread.
[00:07:08] The India, Bharatiya Janta Party internally knew that this India is going to get bigger and bigger and possibly,
[00:07:16] possibly there is a chance that India may finally prevail, finally dominate,
[00:07:24] finally possibly could have the potential to defeat Bharatiya Janta Party and its NDA.
[00:07:33] They had that in them, they knew that.
[00:07:35] They understood that.
[00:07:37] Their research agencies, their people must have definitely told them that.
[00:07:41] And that is when their response strategy was not to combat India from a rally perspective or from a consumer of a perspective or from a voter of a perspective or from a,
[00:07:55] their combative strategy was,
[00:08:01] B.R.S., Kavita, Arvind Kejriwal, Arvind Kejriwal, Arvind Kejriwal,
[00:08:09] and who is, who what about the India business? Who is that person?
[00:08:16] Nitish Kumar,
[00:08:17] Take him,
[00:08:22] That was the strategy that they implemented.
[00:08:26] Which is what they were good at, which is what they did, which is what the,
[00:08:30] which is possibly the only thing they knew.
[00:08:33] They knew nothing else.
[00:08:35] There was no other thought process in place.
[00:08:39] So, that happened.
[00:08:42] Arvind Kejriwal, B.I.N. Barrs, A.M.Sorend, B.I.N. Barrs, Kavita, B.I.N. Barrs, Nitish Kumar went back.
[00:08:51] But finally, but finally people didn't react the way they expected people to react.
[00:08:59] 400 per, Durkiba, 240 is difficult.
[00:09:04] 240 is difficult.
[00:09:06] But the fact remains that possibly had those arrests not have happened,
[00:09:13] possibly India Alliance would have been allowed to campaign, propagate,
[00:09:20] to go around work the way they were working.
[00:09:23] Chances were that that 230 with India Alliance got would have swollen up to 270, 280.
[00:09:33] You never know.
[00:09:34] So, to that extent that coercion worked.
[00:09:37] That last bit of coercion worked to that extent.
[00:09:42] Now this is what I wanted to tell you.
[00:09:48] In 2024 coming back to where I left my thought, in 2024 I thought they had learned their lessons.
[00:09:55] Because 2024 general election ke baad, I think it was very clear
[00:10:00] that people know that this breaking party, breaking political party, what they did in Maharashtra.
[00:10:06] I mean one of the reasons why they lost so miserably in Maharashtra.
[00:10:10] I remember a very senior leader coming in my office and telling me 4th June, 4 o'clock, 40 seats.
[00:10:17] Sitting in my office he was telling me 4th June, 4 o'clock and 9 seats.
[00:10:23] 9 seats.
[00:10:24] You see, after all that I thought they realized ke baayi problem waya.
[00:10:32] And the reason why that happened in Maharashtra is because the people of Maharashtra said that you are sitting and mocking
[00:10:38] in the assembly as to how you bought this government down, how you bought a democratically elected government down.
[00:10:46] Is that how you are going, what you are going to do in the assembly?
[00:10:50] The point is with the government they bought down, that government itself had also breached the concept of tenants of democracy like I always said.
[00:10:58] But that's a different issue, a different story we have discussed that before.
[00:11:02] But coming back, I thought Bharatiya Janata party learned their lesson.
[00:11:08] But no, but no.
[00:11:12] You see, Maharashtra is not looking good for Bharatiya Janata party.
[00:11:16] Therefore I am not saying that Bharatiya Janata party may not win Maharashtra, but Maharashtra is not looking good for Bharatiya Janata party.
[00:11:23] Haryana is not looking good for Bharatiya Janata party.
[00:11:26] Jammu and Kashmir is not looking good for Bharatiya Janata party.
[00:11:29] Jarkhand is not looking very good for Bharatiya Janata party.
[00:11:32] So the coming few states and coming elections are not looking good for Bharatiya Janata party.
[00:11:38] So what happens? What happens is Sita Ramayya on 30th of September is booked by ED based
[00:11:48] on an FIR of state Lok Ayukth, ED booked Sita Ramayya the sitting chief minister of
[00:11:56] Karnataka. Deja Buno sitting chief minister. Now this would be the third chief minister
[00:12:02] who would be possibly going behind bars if he is arrested.
[00:12:07] Now the point is it is not that Sita Ramayya has just been taken without no rhyme or reason and
[00:12:13] all that. It is not that. The controversy is that it is on allegation that the Mysore Urban
[00:12:21] Development Authority has illegally allocated 14 prime sites to Sita Ramayya's wife in Mysore
[00:12:29] city. So, I saw kuch nahi ke it was just out of the blue when nothing happened and he was
[00:12:34] like, aisa kuch nahi hai. There are reasons but the fact is correct timing. Correct timing
[00:12:43] Sita Ramayya could go behind bars. What happens then? Again the atmosphere of fear. Again the
[00:12:53] atmosphere of fear. Again the atmosphere of humare aegean sch kaya andar ja sakta hai. You
[00:13:01] close the election. So, the coercion to my mind started. Now like I am sure as always a lot of
[00:13:20] you all will write to me asking me, you are 14 sites dia to kya puja kare? So should he not
[00:13:28] be arrested? The point that I made then during Arvind Kejriwal and the point that I continued
[00:13:36] to make now is please do arrest people who are corrupt. But then to believe that corruption
[00:13:45] only stems out of non-Bharataya Janata Party government, that theory I don't buy. That
[00:13:57] problem is when Arvind Kejriwal is bad, Hemant Suren has taken money. He is arrested. Very correct.
[00:14:08] But the person who Narendra Modi, our good prime minister and all his people had called
[00:14:17] the biggest corrupt party and corrupt person Mr. Ajit Pawar is now the deputy chief minister
[00:14:25] of a Bharataya Janata Party Shivasena government. Deputy chief minister, not Chottamatta deputy
[00:14:33] chief minister. How fair is that? You see the person who lot of BJP leaders, top leaders
[00:14:44] called a person who was tax allegedly involved with underworld during his aviation ministry
[00:14:51] times. That person was given a clean sheet and also offered a minister of state union
[00:14:57] government, central government, minister of state. He didn't take it up. That's a different
[00:15:01] issue. He didn't take it up. That's okay. That's fair. But Arvind Kejriwal has to
[00:15:09] go behind bars. Siddharamai has to go behind bars. This complaint against Nirmala Siddharaman
[00:15:16] and the co-accused the BJP chief, Nalini Kumar Katil where the complainant said that the central
[00:15:26] agency is including enforcement directorate, pressurized companies to buy electoral bonds
[00:15:30] through threats of ED rates. These kinds of complaints we don't see much often. We
[00:15:37] don't see much action taken on that. We don't see much action taken on that.
[00:15:42] No, he didn't understand. He didn't understand. End and back report? No, no, no. CBI will not
[00:15:51] investigate. Let Sabhi investigate. Sabhi says I need six months then, six months then, six
[00:15:58] months then, six months no report till date. That's okay. That's okay. Then there is
[00:16:04] no problem. But Arvind Kejriwal has to go behind bars. Very important.
[00:16:12] Siddharamai Bhaapre has to go behind bars. No doubt about it. By the way, Bhoomai government
[00:16:20] was called 40% government. You see a contractor committed suicide because he wrote in his suicide.
[00:16:27] Note that people are asking me for money. Bhartya Jnathaparti ministers are asking
[00:16:31] me for money wrote in a suicide note. Nothing happened. Nothing happened. But Siddharamai
[00:16:38] has to go behind bars. Baba important and that too possibly in the next few days, possibly
[00:16:47] before the Maharashtra election. This is important. So is this justice? Is this justice taking
[00:16:56] its course or politics at work? If you think this is justice taking its course, I have
[00:17:05] absolutely no problem. But if it is politics at work, then not only me, you should also have
[00:17:14] a problem because if those temple of justice, our courts are used as political tools, then
[00:17:29] it is the end of our democracy and the end of everything that we hold so wholly, we
[00:17:38] are so proud. Every time when we go out and say we are the largest democracy in the world,
[00:17:45] there will be something back of our mind where our mind, our consciousness will ask us, are
[00:17:51] we really the world's largest democracy? And possibly I don't know about the politicians,
[00:17:58] but we will find it very difficult to answer that question to ourselves. That is the
[00:18:04] point I wanted to make today. Like I said yesterday, I repeat myself, we want 6 lakhs of rupees
[00:18:13] to cover Maharashtra. We want 6 lakhs of rupees to cover Maharashtra election. And like I
[00:18:19] told you before, we really want to go to the nook and corner of Maharashtra and
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[00:18:59] Let us see you next time. That is tomorrow at 10. Namaskar.
[00:19:46] Now as Maharashtra gets set for the 2024 assembly elections, we believe that we have the infrastructure,
[00:19:54] we have the know how, we have the experience of covering Maharashtra. We want to cover the Maharashtra elections.
[00:19:59] What are the issues on the minds of the voter? Can sitting chief minister Ekna Chinde defend his turf with the BJP and Ajit Kaurbhai's side?
[00:20:09] Or will the legacies of Thakre and Pawar prevail? What role will Manoj Jalangeh Patil, the face leading the Maratha agitation play?
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